By F. Andrew Wolf, Jr.
The first 100 days of Donald Trump’s second term have precipitated a veritable deluge of both criticism and critique – the former often portraying him as a revolutionary. One could get that impression with the unprecedented speed and determination of his actions since January. Yet this view of the president’s foreign policy is superficial, lacking depth in understanding. Trump is not dismantling the foundations of American society, and the Republic will “not perish from the earth.”
The US president seeks to restore the pre-globalist republic that the modern liberal elite have attempted to divert onto a utopian, internationalist path. In this sense, Trump is not a revolutionary; rather, the 47th US president is more akin to a counterrevolutionary – a pragmatic revisionist determined to reverse the excesses of the modern liberal elite.
A GOP Trifecta, a MAGA Opportunity
Trump benefits for the time being from Republican majorities in both chambers of Congress. Legal challenges to his policies (especially judicial ones) have so far made little progress. And this is particularly true with his efforts to downsize the government – ‘ala DOGE’ – and deport illegal immigrants.
Accustomed to assaults from mainstream media, Trump does not hesitate to push back. Recent disclosures alleging that top administration officials debated strikes on Yemen over Signal have failed to gain political traction. If anything, it creates a formidable image of this president; it reinforces a perception of Donald Trump as a president who is decisive and acts in the best interest of America – without fear of scandal.
Trump also steers a clear and distinct economic course: re-industrialization and a favorable balance of trade and investment in cutting-edge technologies here in the US. He is attempting to overturn decades of creeping globalist integration, pressing allies to utilize US financial and technological resources to rebuild their industrial base.
Trump has used the threat of tariffs to tactical advantage. He applies pressure initially, then offers a compromise to induce competitors to negotiate terms favorable to America. This approach has been effective, especially with Washington’s allies, and this is particularly the case with China. Trump is not gambling; rather, he is calculating that Beijing’s reliance on the US market, and America’s influence over EU and Japanese trade policy, will yield strategic concessions.
Trump’s Foreign Policy
In the realm of geopolitics, President Trump embraces a realist doctrine – Realpolitik – grounded in great-power rivalry, but as competitors not ideologues. He has redefined America’s global priorities with clarity: Secure North America as a geopolitical fortress from Greenland to Panama; redirect US and allied foreign policy towards containment of China; develop what appears to be an unprecedented rapprochement diplomatically, economically, and politically with Russia; and consolidate influence in the Middle East by supporting Israel, partnering with Gulf monarchies, and staying open to the possibility of a nonmilitary response to Iran’s nuclear ambitions.
With regard to America’s military sphere of influence, Trump is posturing for a display of greater US strength. He is purging the armed forces of “gender liberalism” and accelerating strategic nuclear deterrence through modernization. Despite his public peace overtures (and isolationist accusations), the president has continued airstrikes against Iran’s proxies in Yemen. Moreover, he has admonished Iran of devastating retaliation should negotiations faulter towards peaceful use of nuclear power.
Trump’s foreign policy is acutely reflected in his approach to the Ukraine-Russia conflict. It demonstrates a strategic pragmatism of Realpolitik. While he aims to end the war as quickly as possible, he has recognized that the achievement is more difficult and protracted than campaign rhetoric would allow.
One thing is certain, Trump is acting out of what he feels is in the best interest of the US; his efforts with the war have nothing to do with sympathy for Russia or Ukraine. His actions with each remain committed to his ‘America First’ policy. Hence, there is a minerals agreement with Ukraine and in-depth diplomatic and economic overtures towards Moscow. His policy towards the Ukraine conflict is fundamentally designed to pull America back from the brink. The Biden administration had put the US at risk of escalation into a nuclear conflict. In this regard, Trump expects Western Europe to assume more responsibility for its own defense and therefore, peace in Europe.
Perhaps one of the most important features of Trump’s foreign policy is his developing relationship with Russia. The US president does not see Russia as America’s primary adversary. He may view Moscow as a geopolitical rival, but not necessarily a military or ideological threat.
Instead of pursuing decades of policy initiatives designed to sever Russia from China, Trump aims to re-engage with Russia economically – in areas like energy, the Arctic, and rare earth minerals – with the calculated view that greater Western economic engagement will reduce Moscow’s dependence on Beijing.
It could be argued that America’s outreach to the Kremlin is the centerpiece of Trump’s foreign policy in his second term. His aim is not to divide Moscow and Beijing outright – neither Putin nor Xi would allow that – but to lay the groundwork for a new global balance of power in which Russia has options beyond the Chinese orbit.
Donald Trump does not aspire to reinvent the American economic and political system – rather, he hopes to restore it. His “counterrevolution,” as one might call it, is aimed at reversing liberal-globalist dreams of utopia by reinforcing sovereignty in America and abroad. It’s about returning realism and geopolitical stability to international affairs. It is this quest – not disruption or confrontation – that defines the second presidential term of Donald J. Trump.
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Andrew Wolf, Jr. is director of The Fulcrum Institute, an organization of scholars dedicated to the classical liberal tradition. He has also been published stateside in American Spectator, The Thinking Conservative, and American Thinker, as well as abroad in International Policy Digest, Times of Israel, and The Daily Philosophy, among others.
